Unfinished Freedom: The Continuity of Colonial Violence without Accountability Black Women in Contemporary European and African Society Putting an End to Historical and Contemporary Stereotypes by Gavaza Maluleke

About the Report

This report shows that the regulation of African women's bodies is not a historical leftover or a simple failure of institutions. It is a deliberate structure that lacks accountability and connects colonial rule, postcolonial state-building, and the systems that govern gender, sexuality, and migration today. Across Kenya, Namibia, Germany, and the United Kingdom, African women continue to live within institutions shaped by a long history in which their bodies were managed, judged, and controlled rather than recognized as politically meaningful.   

Historical Foundations

Colonial administrations reorganised African gender systems by removing women from political and economic authority. In Kenya, for example, women were pushed out of decision-making councils and restricted to subsistence farming, while men were positioned as the primary economic actors. In Namibia, missionary and colonial authorities intervened in reproductive life, punishing girls who became pregnant outside marriage while simultaneously relying on women’s labour in mission stations and farms.

During this period, African women’s bodies were also hypersexualised in ways that excused violence. British administrators in Kenya often dismissed sexual assault cases involving African women or reframed them as cultural misunderstandings. German colonial officers in Namibia, including senior officials such as Victor Franke, faced no meaningful consequences for sexual violence against African women in prisoner-of-war camps and labour compounds. These patterns established early forms of impunity in which violence was documented yet unpunished. 

Postcolonial Continuities

Colonial administrations reorganised African gender systems by removing women from political and economic authority. In Kenya, for example, women were pushed out of decision-making councils and restricted to subsistence farming, while men were positioned as the primary economic actors. In Namibia, missionary and colonial authorities intervened in reproductive life, punishing girls who became pregnant outside marriage while simultaneously relying on women’s labour in mission stations and farms.

During this period, African women’s bodies were also hypersexualised in ways that excused violence. British administrators in Kenya often dismissed sexual assault cases involving African women or reframed them as cultural misunderstandings. German colonial officers in Namibia, including senior officials such as Victor Franke, faced no meaningful consequences for sexual violence against African women in prisoner-of-war camps and labour compounds. These patterns established early forms of impunity in which violence was documented yet unpunished. 

Conditional Recognition and Feminist Resistance

African women’s experiences are often visible only when they fit narratives of crisis. In Kenya, media coverage of gender-based violence focuses on cases involving middle-class victims, while the murders of sex workers receive little attention. In Namibia, during the #ShutItAllDown protests, young activists challenged state narratives that framed gendered violence as a private issue rather than a political crisis.

Across Europe, African migrant women confront similar patterns. Asylum-seeking mothers in Germany and the UK face child removal, unstable housing, and bureaucratic delays that expose them to long-term insecurity. Their vulnerability is acknowledged but rarely addressed through policy change. Feminist movements across these regions are challenging these inherited logics. They frame bodily autonomy not as a plea for assistance but as a demand for structural accountability. They reject interpretations of violence that treat it as cultural failure and insist on understanding it as institutional design. 

Key Findings

  1. Colonial gendered governance continues to shape legal, religious, medical, and humanitarian institutions across African and European contexts.
  2. Reproductive regulation remains central to state power, visible in Namibia’s apartheid-era abortion law and the UK’s racialised maternal mortality rates.
  3. African women’s suffering is hyper-visible as crisis but detached from meaningful accountability.
  4. Respectability politics influences whose lives are protected, whose deaths are mourned, and who is excluded from public concern.
  5. Structured non-accountability allows institutions to acknowledge harm without changing the conditions that produce it.
  6. Contemporary feminist movements are creating new political spaces that challenge inherited hierarchies and demand systemic transformation. 

Conclusion

Securing African women’s bodily autonomy requires more than policy revisions or expanded services. It requires confronting the long history of unaccountability that shapes today’s governance systems. Institutions that manage gendered violence, health, and migration must acknowledge their historical foundations and commit to meaningful structural change. True transformation will depend on rebuilding systems of care, justice, and protection grounded in African feminist thought and community-based forms of accountability. Only then can African women’s bodies, choices, and lives be fully recognised within the political communities they inhabit.